Criticism of capitalism and globalization is linked to antimilitarism, which has increased in left populist movements as a result of unpopular United States military operations, especially those in the Middle East.[4] It is considered that the populist left does not exclude others horizontally and relies on egalitarian ideals.[1] Some scholars also speak of a nationalist left-wing populist movements, a feature exhibited by the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua or the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela. Unlike exclusionary or right-wing populism, left-wing populist parties tend to claim to be supportive of minority rights,[5] as well as to an idea of nationality that is not delimited by cultural or ethnic particularisms.[6]
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (the President of Argentina from 2007 to 2015) and her husband Néstor Kirchner were said to practice Kirchnerism, a variant of Peronism that was often mentioned alongside other Pink tide governments in Latin America. During Cristina Fernández de Kirchner time in office, she has spoken against certain free trade agreements such as the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas. Her administration was characterized by tax increases, especially on agricultural exports during the late 2000s commodities boom, Argentina's main export, in order to fund social programs such as the PROGRESAR university scholarships, the universal allocation per child subsidy (commonly referred to as AUH in Argentina, Asignación Universal por Hijo), a means-tested benefit to families with children who qualified for the subsidy, and progressive social reforms such as the recognition of same-sex marriage.
Lulism is a pragmatic centre-left ideology to the extent that it is called "socialist neoliberalism",[18] but it appeals to a progressive, common-class image and also has populist elements in terms of popular mobilization.[19]
Rafael Correa, the former President of Ecuador, has stressed the importance of a "populist discourse" and has integrated technocrats to work within this context for the common Ecuadorians. In the conflict between the indigenous peoples and the government, Correa has blamed foreign non-governmental organizations for exploiting the indigenous people.[20][21][22]
Huey Long, the Great Depression-era Governor-turned-Senator of Louisiana, was one of the first modern American left-wing populists in the United States, advocating for wealth redistribution under his Share Our Wealth plan, which had its roots in the classical left-wing populist movement of Jacksonian democracy,[24] which is related to the radical movement.[25][26][27]
Meanwhile, Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, self-described democratic socialists, are examples of modern left-wing populist politicians.[28][29][30][31] Ocasio-Cortez's Democratic primary victory over the establishment Democratic Caucus Chair Joe Crowley, a 10-term incumbent, was widely seen as the biggest upset victory in the 2018 midterm election primaries. Ocasio-Cortez was described by The Nation magazine as a "new rock star" who was "storming the country on behalf of insurgent populists."[32]Elizabeth Warren is also mentioned as a representative left-wing or liberal populist,[12][13][33] and she is sometimes evaluated as a social democrat.[14][15][34]
The presidency of Hugo Chávez resembled a combination of folk wisdom and charismatic leadership with doctrinaire socialism.[17] Chávez's government was also described to have been a "throwback" to populist nationalism and redistributivism.[35]
Yesh Atid is a radical centrist or liberal party. In Israeli politics, "liberal" is not particularly a concept that is distinguished by left or right, but Yesh Atid is evaluated that it has a left-wing populist element in part. They criticize elitism that causes political corruption and demand a position on material redistribution.[9] However, Yesh Atid has an element of economic liberalism at the same time.[36]
Tarō Yamamoto in 2020. He is mentioned as a (left-wing) liberal-populist.
Lee Jae-myung, one of DPK's major politicians, has been compared to "Bernie Sanders" or mentioned as a "populist" in some media outlets.[37][38][11][39] Lee Jae-myung pledged to implement the world's first universal basic income system if he was elected in the 2022 South Korean presidential election, but said he would not pay it if the people opposed it.[40][41] South Korea's right-wing politician Hong Joon-pyo saw Lee Jae-myung in September 2021 and accused him of being "Chávez of Gyeonggi Province".[42] However, there is controversy in South Korea as to whether Lee Jae-myung can be viewed as a "left-wing populist" in the context of the United States or Europe. He once said he was "conservative" and suggested policies far from general left-wing populism in the United States and Europe, partially insisting on economic liberal policies such as deregulation of companies in some issues.[43][44] In addition, he showed a somewhat conservative tendency on some social agendas.[45] In addition, Kim Hyun-jong, the head of the International Trade Special Division at the Lee Jae-myung Camp, met with Henry Kissinger, and Henry Kissinger gave Lee Jae-myung a handwritten autograph called "Good wishes".[46] In addition, Lee Jae-myung's political orientation was somewhat ambiguous, so conservative journalist Dong-A Ilbo denied that he was a left-wing politician, while South Korea's far-left organization Workers' Solidarity evaluated him as a social democratic. (However, another South Korean left-wing undongkwon group denied that Lee Jae-myung is not a social democratic.)[47][48][49]
The Party of Democratic Socialism was explicitly studied under left-wing populism, especially by German academics.[50] The party was formed after the reunification of Germany and it was similar to right-wing populists in that it relied on anti-elitism and media attention provided by a charismatic leadership.[51] The party competed for the same voter base with the right-wing populists to some extent, although it relied on a more serious platform in Eastern Germany. This was limited by anti-immigration sentiments preferred by some voters, although the lines were for example crossed by Oskar Lafontaine, who used a term previously associated with the Nazi Party, Fremdarbeiter ("foreign workers"), in his election campaign in 2005.[51] The PDS merged into the Left Party in 2007.[52] The Left Party is also viewed as a left-wing populist party,[53] but it is not the basis of the party as a whole.
Syriza, which became the largest party since January 2015 elections, has been described as a left-wing populist party after their platform incorporated most demands of the popular movements in Greece during the government-debt crisis. Populist traits in Syriza's platform include growing importance of "the People" in their rhetoric and "us/the people against them/the establishment" antagonism in campaigning. On immigration and LGBT rights, Syriza is inclusionary. Syriza itself does not accept the label "populist".[54][55]
The Socialist Party has run a left-wing populist platform after dropping its communist course in 1991.[64] Although some have pointed out that the party has become less populist over the years, it still includes anti-elitism in its recent election manifestos.[65] It opposes what it sees as the European superstate.
The left-wing populist party Podemos achieved 8 percent of the national vote in the 2014 European Parliament election. Due to avoiding nativist language typical with right-wing populists, Podemos is able to attract left wing voters disappointed with the political establishment without taking sides in the regional political struggle.[66] At the 2015 election for the national parliament, Podemos reached 20.65% of the vote and became the third largest party in the parliament after the conservative People's Party with 28.71% and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party with 22.02%. In the new parliament, Podemos holds 69 out of 350 seats, which has resulted in the end of the traditional two-party system in Spain.[67] In a November 2018 interview with Jacobin, Íñigo Errejón argues that Podemos requires a new "national-popular" strategy in order to win more elections.[68]
^Hartleb, Florian (2004). Rechts- und Linkspopulismus. Eine Fallstudie anhand von Schill-Partei und PDS [Right and left populism. A case study based on Schill Party and PDS] (in German). Wiesbaden. p. 162.
^ abToril Aalberg; Frank Esser; Carsten Reinemann, eds. (2014). Populist Political Communication in Europe. Routledge. p. 211. ISBN9781317224747. Indeed, there are some similarities between Yesh Atid and left-wing populist parties. First, the distinction between the “pure people” and the corrupt political establishment, which characterizes left-wing populism (Alonso & Kaltwasser, 2014), also exists in Yesh Atid rhetoric. The same is true for the call for material redistribution, which characterizes both left-wing populism (Alonso & Kaltwasser, 2014) and Yesh Atid.
^ abHelen Hardacre; Timothy S. George; Keigo Komamura; Franziska Seraphim, eds. (2021). Japanese Constitutional Revisionism and Civic Activism. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 136. ISBN9781793609052. ... Sometimes regarded as a "liberal-populist" party, a new political party, Reiwa Shinsengumi, arose in a "riot" of people who believed they have been marginalized by Japanese capitalism and democracy.26 The party's charismatic leader, ...
^ ab"Are Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders the same? The debate, explained". Vox. 18 June 2019. Retrieved 16 January 2022. Warren is a social democrat. Sanders is a democratic socialist. The difference between the two is best explained by how Warren and Sanders convey their skepticism toward capitalism, said Sheri Berman, a political scientist with Barnard College, who has written extensively on the history of the left.
^ ab"What an Elizabeth Warren Presidency Would Look Like". In These Times. 7 January 2020. Retrieved 16 January 2022. Sanders, like Warren, clearly appreciates that movements are the motor that drives change, and a Sanders administration, like a Warren administration, would partner with movements to achieve change. Both candidates offer a compelling vision that can inspire people, and both share the goal of orienting America closer to social democracy.
^ abKirk Andrew Hawkins, Venezuela's Chavismo and Populism in Comparative Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN978-0-521-76503-9, page 84
^Albert Boime, ed. (2008). Art in an Age of Civil Struggle, 1848-1871. University of Chicago Press. p. 422. ISBN9780226063423. Mount's mature views on blacks were expressed formally through his affiliation with the Democratic Party, the party of slavery. He opposed both abolition and the left-wing populism generated by Jacksonian ideals.
^Sean Patrick Adams, ed. (2013). A Companion to the Era of Andrew Jackson. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN9781118290835. The truth is that studies of Jacksonian radicalism have been few and far between in the last two decades (just check the dates of the books I have cited), so it is no surprise that very few people know about Paul Brown, William Mathers ...
^Craig Calhoun, ed. (2012). The Roots of Radicalism: Tradition, the Public Sphere, and Early Nineteenth-Century Social Movements. University of Chicago Press. p. 266.
^"After Choi-gate". Jacobin magazine. 12 June 2016. Retrieved 16 November 2021. This allows a populist figure like Lee Jae-myung, mayor of wealthy satellite city Seongnam, to be presented as a progressive presidential candidate, simply because he instituted a minor basic income program and has directly called for President Park’s imprisonment.
^"이재명 "보수 가치 제대로 서는 나라 만들고 싶어"" [Lee Jae-myung said "I want to create a country where conservative values are properly established".]. Yonhap News Agency. 21 September 2021. Retrieved 11 October 2021.
^"이재명 "관료적 규제 없애야...내가 친기업 1등"" [Lee Jae-myeong said, "We need to get rid of bureaucratic regulations ... I'm the number 1 pro-business".]. 머니투데이. 11 November 2021. Retrieved 29 November 2021. 이 후보는 이날 서울 중구 대한상공회의소에서 최태원 대한상의 회장과 만나 "창의와 혁신을 가로막는 관료적 규제는 축소하거나 없애야 하는 것"이라면서 "기업은 새로운 아이템 발굴이 자유롭게 이뤄질 수 있도록 해야한다"고 밝혔다. [Candidate Lee met with Choi Tae-won, chairman of the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry, at the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Jung-gu, Seoul, and said "Bureaucratic regulations that hinder creativity and innovation should be reduced or removed", "Companies should be free to discover new items".]
^""이재명의 청년에 여성 자리는 없나": 심상정 "李, 反페미니즘 자처"" [Is there no female position in Lee Jae-myung says "young people"?: Sim Sang-jung said, "Lee (Jae-myung) claims to be anti-feminist".]. The Chosun Ilbo. 12 November 2021. Retrieved 13 November 2021.
^"김현종, 헨리 키신저 만났다…이재명에 "행운을 빈다"" [Kim Hyun-jong met Henry Kissinger. ... Henry Kissinger said "good wishes" to Lee Jae-myung.]. MBN 뉴스. 1 December 2021. Retrieved 2 December 2021.
^"이재명, '좌파'보다 '박정희'에 가깝다" [Lee Jae-myeong. It's more like "Park Chung-hee" than "Left".]. Dong-A Ilbo. 7 November 2021. Retrieved 26 November 2021.
^"학생운동권 "윤석열 지지…진정한 좌파라면 이재명 못찍어"". The Chosun Ilbo. 5 November 2021. Retrieved 26 November 2021. “당신이 진정한 좌파라면 이재명을 ‘사회민주주의자’ 혹은 ‘개혁의 적임자’로 판단하면 안 된다” ["If you are a true leftist, you should not judge Lee Jae-myung as a 'social democratic' or 'right person for reform'."]
^Stavrakaki, Yannis; Katsambekis, Giorgos (June 2014). "Left-wing populism in the European periphery: the case of SYRIZA". Journal of Political Ideologies. 19 (2): 119–142. doi:10.1080/13569317.2014.909266. S2CID143735344.
^Katsourides, Yiannos (2016). Radical Left Parties in Government: The Cases of SYRIZA and AKEL. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 103ff.
^Suiter, Jane (2017). "Ireland: The rise of Populism on the Left and Among Independents". In Toril Aalberg; Frank Esser; Carsten Reinemann; Jesper Strömbäck; Claes H. de Vreese (eds.). Populist Political Communication in Europe. New York and London: Routledge. p. 131. ISBN978-1-138-65480-8.
^Beichelt, Timm (2013) [2001]. "6.1.1 Strukturelle Kontextbindungen". Demokratische Konsolidierung im postsozialistischen Europa: Die Rolle der politischen Institutionen (in German). Springer-Verlag. p. 299. ISBN978-3322813206.
^Drinkwater, Michael (1991). The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe's Communal Areas. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 93–96. ISBN978-0312053505.
^"About TAP". Timbro Authoritarian Populism Index 2019. Timbro. Retrieved 28 September 2020.
^Fred Reinhard Dallmayr (199). Border Crossings: Toward a Comparative Political Theory. Lexington Books. p. 136. ISBN9780739100431. To provide an Islamic justification for their populist program, Mojahedin often utilized the euphemism coined by Shariati.
Dingeldey, Philip (2021). "A People's Tribunate in a Populist Democracy? A Thought Experiment between Republicanism and Populism re-visited.” In: Mayr, Stefan/ Orator, Andreas (eds.): Populism, Popular Sovereignty, and Public Reason (= Central and Eastern European Forum for Legal, Political, and Social Theory Yearbook, Vol. 10). Peter Lang. ISBN 9783631840832, pp. 71-84.
March, Luke (2007). "From Vanguard of the Proletariat to Vox Populi: Left-Populism as a 'Shadow' of Contemporary Socialism". SAIS Review of International Affairs. 27 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1353/sais.2007.0013. S2CID154586793.