![]() | This article needs to be updated.(June 2016) |
Kirchnerism Kirchnerismo | |
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![]() ![]() Néstor Kirchner (left) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (right) served as Presidents of Argentina from 2003–2007 and 2007–2015. | |
Leader | Cristina Kirchner |
Founder | Néstor Kirchner |
Founded | 1 March 2003 |
Headquarters | Buenos Aires |
Youth wing | The Campora |
Membership | Justicialist Party |
Ideology | Peronism[1] Anti-neoliberalism[2][3] Social democracy[4][5][6] Left-wing populism[7][8] Progressivism[9] Factions: K Radicalism[10] Keynesianism[11] |
Political position | Centre-left[12] to left-wing[13] |
National affiliation | Frente de Todos |
Seats in the Chamber of Deputies | 90 / 257
|
Seats in the Senate | 32 / 72
|
Website | |
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Kirchnerism (Spanish: Kirchnerismo [kiɾʃneˈɾizmo]) is an Argentine political movement based on populist ideals formed by the supporters of Néstor Kirchner and his wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who consecutively served as Presidents of Argentina. Although considered a branch of Peronism, it is opposed by some factions of Peronists and generally considered to fall into the category of left-wing populism.[9][14][15][16]
Although originally a section in the Justicialist Party, Kirchnerism later received support from other smaller Argentine political parties (like the Communist Party or the Humanist Party) and from factions of some traditional parties (like the Radical Civic Union and the Socialist Party). In parties which are divided along Kirchnerist/Anti-Kirchnerist lines, the members of the Kirchnerist faction are often distinguished with the letter K (for instance "peronistas/justicialistas K", "radicales K" or "socialistas K") while the anti-Kirchnerist factions, those opposing Kirchnerism, are similarly labelled with the expression "anti-K".
Both Kirchner and Fernández come from the left-wing of Peronism and both began their political careers as members of the Peronist Youth (Juventud Peronista). Many of the Kirchners' closest allies belong to the Peronist left. Anti-Kirchnerists often criticize this ideological background with the term setentista ("seventies-ist"), suggesting that Kirchnerism is overly influenced by the populist struggle of the 1970s.
According to Alberto Fernández, the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers during the first 5 years of Kirchnerism and currently serving as President of Argentina, they followed five tenets regarding the economy, which explained the perceived early success of the movement:[23]
According to Fernández, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner moved away from these five tenets after her husband's death, causing an economic crisis that resulted in the first political defeat of Kirchnerism in a presidential election in 2015. However in the presidential election of 2019, Kirchnerism returned to power with the election of Alberto Fernández as President and Cristina Kirchner as Vice President.[24][25] However in the 2021 legislative elections on 14 November 2021, the Frente de Todos lost its majority in Congress for the first time in almost 40 years in midterm legislative elections. The election victory of the center-right coalition, Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change), meant a tough final two years in office for President Alberto Fernandez. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition every initiative he sends to the legislature.[26][27] However, it remained the largest force in Congress.
Unlike his predecessor Eduardo Duhalde, Kirchner was a Peronist that distrusted the Justicialist Party as a support for his government. He proposed instead a "transversalist" policy, seeking the support of progressive politicians regardless of their party.[28] Thus he got support from factions of the Justicialist Party, the Radical Civic Union (which were called "Radicales K") and small centre-left parties.
Kirchner neglected the internal politics of the Justicialist Party and kept instead the Front for Victory party, which was initially an electoral alliance in his home province of Santa Cruz and in the 2003 elections premiered in the federal political scene. Some politicians favored by this policy were Aníbal Ibarra, mayor of Buenos Aires for the Broad Front and supported as Kirchnerist; and Julio Cobos, governor of Mendoza for the UCR and elected as Vice President of Fernández de Kirchner in 2007.
The transversalist project was eventually dismissed. Kirchner took control of the Justicialist Party and some "Radicales K", slowly returned to the "anti-K" faction of their party, most notably Vice President Julio Cobos and Governor of Catamarca province Eduardo Brizuela del Moral, while other very prominent Radical politicians remained in the "K" wing of the Radical Civic Union such as provincial governors Gerardo Zamora of Santiago del Estero, Ricardo Colombi of Corrientes and Miguel Saiz of Río Negro. After the 2011 general elections, several K radicals regretted having been part of that political space, turning once again to the opposition UCR. Such is the case of Miguel Saiz, former governor of Río Negro, who declared: "My commitment to the Concertación ended in December 2011".
In March 2015, dissatisfied with the UCR's alliance with Mauricio Macri's Republican Proposal (PRO), the National Alfonsinist Movement (MNA) led by Leopoldo Moreau joined the Front for Victory. For this reason, Ernesto Sanz, the president of the UCR, announced the expulsion of Moreau from the party.[29] Professor Gustavo Melella was reelected as mayor of the city of Río Grande in 2015, through the FORJA Concertación Party. During the presidency of Alberto Fernández, Ricardo Alfonsin was appointed as the Ambassador to Spain.
Election year | Candidate(s) | First Round | Second Round | Result | Note | ||
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# votes | % vote | # votes | % vote | ||||
2003 | Néstor Kirchner | 4,312,517 | 22.25 | Null | 0 | ![]() |
within Front for Victory |
2007 | Cristina Kirchner | 8,651,066 | 45.29 | ![]() | |||
2011 | 11,865,055 | 54.11 | ![]() | ||||
2015 | Daniel Scioli | 9,338,490 | 37.08 | 12,317,330 | 48.66 | ![]() | |
2019 | Alberto Fernandez | 12,946,037 | 48.24 | ![]() |
within Frente de Todos |
Election year | votes | % | seats won | Total seats | Position | Presidency | Note |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2003 | 5,511,420 | 35.1 | 58 / 130
|
129 / 257
|
Majority | Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) | including the other PJ factions |
2005 | 5,071,094 | 29.9 | 50 / 127
|
75 / 257
|
Minority | Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2007 | 5,557,087 | 56 / 130
|
106 / 257
|
Minority | Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | ||
2009 | 1,679,084 | 8.8 | 14 / 127
|
70 / 257
|
Minority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2011 | 10,121,311 | 49.1 | 76 / 130
|
90 / 257
|
Minority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2013 | 7,487,839 | 33.2 | 42 / 127
|
132 / 257
|
Majority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2015 | 8,237,074 | 60 / 130
|
96 / 257
|
Minority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | ||
2019 | 11,606,411 | 45.3 | 64 / 130
|
119 / 257
|
Minority | Alberto Fernández (FdT—PJ) |
Election year | votes | % | seats won | Total seats | Position | Presidency | Note |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2003 | 1,852,456 | 40.7 | 13 / 24
|
41 / 72
|
Majority | Eduardo Duhalde (PJ) | including the other PJ factions |
2005 | 3,572,361 | 45.1 | 14 / 24
|
14 / 72
|
Minority | Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2007 | 1,048,187 | 8 / 24
|
22 / 72
|
Minority | Néstor Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | ||
2009 | 756,695 | 4 / 24
|
12 / 72
|
Minority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | ||
2011 | 5,470,241 | 54.6 | 13 / 24
|
24 / 72
|
Minority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2013 | 1,608,866 | 32.1 | 11 / 24
|
40 / 72
|
Majority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) | |
2015 | 12 / 24
|
39 / 72
|
Majority | Cristina Kirchner (FPV—PJ) |
Kirchnerism has encountered opposition from various sectors of Argentine society, which tend to criticize its personalism.[30]
In 2012, there was a massive anti-Kirchnerism protest in several cities within Argentina and also in several Argentinian embassies around the world. It became known as 8N.
In 2015, when Foreign Policy was discussing corruption in Latin America it was stated that:[31]
The viceroys of the colonial era set the pattern. They centralised power and bought the loyalty of local interest groups. [...] Caudillos, dictators and elected presidents continued the tradition of personalising power. Venezuela's chavismo and the kirchnerismo of Ms Fernández are among today’s manifestations.
In an editorial published in October 2015, The Economist expressed the following view about the situation in Argentina:[32]
Argentina needs change. As Ms Fernández slips out of office the economy is starting to crumble. Currency controls and trade restrictions [...] are choking productivity; inflation hovers at around 25%. [...] Argentina cannot seek external financing until it ends its standoff with creditors who rejected a debt-restructuring plan. Unless the new president quickly reverses Ms Fernández’s populist policies, a crisis is inevitable"
Speaking to thousands of supporters in a packed soccer stadium, Mrs. Kirchner stumped for the candidates who will represent her left-wing coalition, the FPV, in October's vote.